Исаев Леонид Маркович

Исламское высшее образование в России: локальный опыт и влияние Ближнего Востока

2022 · ARTICLE · ru

Распад советской системы на Северном Кавказе сопровождался реисламизацией, чему, помимо прочего, способствовало влияние религиозных и государственных акторов Ближнего Востока. Одним из проявлений возрождения исламской традиции стал возросший спрос на религиозное образование. Часть мусульман, в основном старшие поколения, выступали за возврат к досоветским традициям ислама, тогда как молодежь ориентировалась на веяния, дошедшие с Ближнего Востока. В России сфера исламского образования до сих пор слабо институционализирована и практически не регулируется государством, ввиду чего деятельность исламских учебных заведений остается в серой зоне. При этом, с одной стороны, развитие исламского образования препятствует распространению радикальных идей; с другой оставаясь исключенным из системы государственного школьного и высшего образования, нерегулируемое исламское просвещение на Северном Кавказе может породить рост социально-политической нестабильности в регионе. Авторы приходят к выводу, что для улучшения сложившейся ситуации в ближайшей перспективе следует расширить перечень предметов, изучаемых в исламских вузах, чтобы выпускники имели более широкий круг навыков и компетенций. В долгосрочной перспективе необходимо совершенствовать исламское высшее образование по опыту мировых лидеров в этой сфере.

Влияние «арабской весны» на «черную весну» в Буркина-Фасо

2022 · ARTICLE · ru

В октябре 2014 года в Уагадугу начались массовые протесты, вызванные конституционной реформой в Буркина-Фасо, предполагающей возможность продления срока нахождения действующего президента Блеза Компаоре у власти и выдвижения его кандидатуры на выборах 2015 года. Заседание парламента по рассмотрению конституционных поправок было назначено на 30 октября, а в этот же день представитель протестного движения Э. Парги Пар заявил о том, что «в Буркина-Фасо объявляется „чёрная весна“, по аналогии с „арабской весной“». Отсылки к событиям «арабской весны» со стороны протестующих буркинийцев не случайны – арабские протесты 2011 года действительно сыграли большую роль в динамике социально-политической нестабильности по всему миру, выступив своего рода триггером глобальной дестабилизационной волны. В этой связи представляется актуальным изучение форм и методов влияния событий «арабской весны» на «черную весну» в Буркина Фасо.

The Arab Spring in Yemen

2022 · CHAPTER · en

The Arab Spring did not bypass Yemen. As became clear later on, it triggered a chain of events leading to cardinal changes in the country’s destiny. It would be wrong, however, to call the 2011 turmoil a revolution, since it failed to bring about a fundamental social and political transformation. This was achieved later, in 2014–2015, when a vigorous social protest was accompanied by an outburst of tribalism as the Shiite Houthi movement dared to challenge the long-standing domination of powerful traditional clans. President Saleh, who had risen to power as the leader of those clans, lost his position but kept trying to ensure a comeback. In a completely new and surprising configuration of forces, Saleh made an alliance with the Houthis, who succeeded in quickly overrunning most of the country. These events, unlike the 2011 events, can be branded a genuine revolution. The situation was aggravated by the increased activity of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and the separatist movement in the South. As the Houthis appeared to be winning, Saudi Arabia began a large-scale military intervention aimed at preventing Yemen from becoming a Shia-dominated state and possibly an Iranian stooge. As a result of the Saudi air bombardment, a serious international conflict developed that is still unresolved.

The Arab Spring. A Quantitative Analysis

2022 · CHAPTER · en

Domestic Factors in Russia’s Middle East Policy

2022 · CHAPTER · en

The global terrorist threat in the Sahel and the origins of terrorism in Burkina Faso

2022 · ARTICLE · en

The article examines the reasons for the increasing terrorist activity in Burkina Faso after the revolution in 2014. For decades, the Sahel has been one of the most unstable regions in Africa and the Afrasian zone of instability. However, in the 2010s the Sahel has experienced a dramatic increase in terrorist activity: by 2015, the number of terrorist attacks there increased more than seven times compared to 2010. At the same time, the dynamics of terrorist activity in Burkina Faso had its specific characteristics compared to the rest of the Sahel. The growth of terrorism in this country was largely a consequence of the overthrow of the B. Compaoré regime. The new authorities were unable to maintain security at the same level. This can be explained, on the one hand, by the stable agreements that had been settled between Compaoré and terrorist structures. His resignation destroyed all the informal ties and agreements that the regime had established with regional jihadist organizations, freeing their hands to infiltrate Burkina Faso quickly and easily. On the other hand, the dissolution of the Regiment of Presidential Security (precisely the structure largely responsible for the fight against terrorism) after the failed military coup attempt of September 2015 played an important role. The new leadership stripped the country of the protection they had against jihadist organizations poised to infiltrate across the border into Burkina Faso. As a result, after 2015, a very safe country in terms of terrorism faced an unprecedented increase in terrorist activity.

Dynastic Sacredness: Islam and the Arab Spring in Morocco

2022 · ARTICLE · en

The ruling dynasty of Morocco is one of very few that tracks its royal bloodline back to the Prophet Muhammad himself. Did this lineage contribute to the fact that the North African monarchy was barely touched by the tumultuous Arab Spring of 2011–12? This article challenges such assertions. Despite its divine inception, Moroccan royal power survived the era of modernity solely thanks to the French, who invested in their colony during the protectorate (1912–56). It was France that elevated the royals and allowed for the throne to become the pillar of Moroccan nationalism. This venerable lineage would have been futile had the royal family not learned the sophisticated methods of political struggle against its competitors. The dynasty established a unique system of holding the opposition back in such a way that it simultaneously becomes a bulwark of the state’s stability. In addition, the bureaucratization of Islam became a key tool in the Moroccan state-building arsenal: Religious practice can be conducted only in accordance with the government rulebook. In other words, Morocco’s present-day stability has nothing to do with religion itself, but rather with politics—and the last North African monarchy might still see an Arab Spring awakening.

«Курды Африки», или Как туареги остались без собственного государства

2022 · ARTICLE · ru

Perceptions of Russia’s ‘return’ to Africa: Views from West Africa

2022 · ARTICLE · en

The article focuses on the perception of Russia’s ‘return’ to Africa through an analysis of field research data from three African states: Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, gathered in late 2021. In this article the authors argue that the Russian ‘return’ to Africa, which is primarily seen in the provision of security services through the presence of Russian private military companies (PMCs), is perceived positively. An important role is played in these perceptions by the Soviet legacy on the continent, which is remembered positively among Africans. Perceptions appear significantly influenced by the crisis in relations between West African countries and France, as well as the experience of Russian involvement in the field of securitisation since 2014. The net effect is that Russian engagement in West Africa, and specifically by PMC’s, is welcome.

Introduction. New Wave of Revolutions in the MENA Region in the Global Perspective

2022 · CHAPTER · en