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Милонас Янис

Факультет креативных индустрий

Профиль на hse.ru ↗ тел.: 22942
Публикаций
50
Языков
2
Наград
1
Конференций
0
Профиль Публикации (50) Курсы (6)

Профессиональные интересы

19.45.00 Средства массовой информации

Должности

  • Доцент — Факультет креативных индустрий, Институт медиа

Био

  • · Начал работать в НИУ ВШЭ в 2014 году.
  • · Научно-педагогический стаж: 11 лет.

Образование

  • 2009 · PhD: Копенгагенский университет, тема диссертации: ‘Discursive struggles on the “war on terror”; politics, crisis and Representation’
  • 2002 · Магистратура: Университет Бата, специальность «Прикладная социальная психология», квалификация «Магистр наук»
  • 2001 · Бакалавриат: Университет Янины, специальность «философия»

Опыт работы

  • · Associate Professor at the Media, Communications and Design Department, National, Research University, Higher School of Economics, in Moscow, Russia
  • · Post-doctoral researcher at the Media and Communications Department, Lund University in Sweden (2010-2012)
  • · Lecturer at the Film, Media, Cognition and Communication Department and at the Cultural Studies Department, Copenhagen University in Denmark (2007-2014)

Награды и поощрения

  • · Лучший преподаватель — 2024–2025

Идентификаторы исследователя

Публикации (50)

Crafting the Common: The Political Poetics of Pantelis Voulgaris’s The Last Note (2017)

2019 · ARTICLE · en

Produced and screened in 2017, Pantelis Voulgaris’s To teleftaio simeioma/The Last Note reconstructs the story of the massacre of two hundred imprisoned Communists, in retaliation for the execution of four Nazis by the Greek Resistance, in 1944. The analysis proposes a political reading of the film, as it deals with the collective trauma of the Occupation, and the heroic acts of the Leftist Resistance. The Last Note may be seen to produce what according to the historian Enzo Traverso (2017) can be called a “melancholic topos”, concerning the making of a symbolic locus, which reserves and revives an emancipatory horizon for the politics to come. In the midst of a prolonged and ongoing social, political and economic crisis that Greece and potentially the whole world is at, grand narratives of struggle, collectivity and emancipation may contribute towards the generation of politics that can overcome the political impasse that contemporary societies are experiencing.

Introduction: the Study of the Greek Economic Crisis in Europe through the Media

2019 · CHAPTER · en

As is generally known, the latest major economic crisis of global proportions started in the usa with the credit crunch of 2007–8. Ten years later, in 2018, critics note that the crisis is far from fully resolved, with a new – and potential-ly more serious – one pending (Roos, 2018b). Along with the economic crisis, a broader and multifaceted crisis with harsh political, ecological and social di-mensions is advancing, with capitalism being the root cause of it (Feldner & Vighi, 2015).In the 2010’s, a growing scholarly literature developed, tackling the various political, cultural and social dimensions of the aformentioned economic crisis. The study of the media is one important dimension in the analysis of the crisis, its politics, and its culture. The media play a crucial political role in the ways that the crisis is perceived and managed. In today’s liberal democratic states, it is through the mass media that the policies predicated to alleviate the crisis are publicly explained and legitimised in order to be applied.

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Greek Crisis, Eurozone Crisis, Global Capitalist Crisis

2019 · CHAPTER · en

The economic crisis in Greece is in its 9th year in 2018. Along with it, an un-precedented and polyvalent socio-political crisis has also emerged (Tziovas, 2017). Estimations show that austerity may last for more than fifty years; the repayment of Greece’s growing debt may take much longer. In 2017, after eight years of neoliberal austerity reforms, the Greek sovereign debt had reached a staggering 179% of gdp (Table 1) (which amounts to about 317 million Eu-ros), with the International Monetary Fund (imf) estimating that it will reach 275% by 2060 (Basu, 2018: 140). In 2009, right before the bailout pro-gram’s start, the Greek sovereign debt was at a 126% of the country’s gdp at the time (amounting to just above 301 million Euros). Besides the augmenta-tion of Greece’s sovereign debt, during the crisis years, the country’s gdp also plummeted. Greece’s unemployment also accelerated to over 20% of the total working population. Poul Thomsen, the notorious imf’s director of the “Euro-pean Department” and its representative in Greece’s “Troika” mechanism until 2015, stated in early 2017 that “it would take Greece twenty-one years to return unemployment to pre-crisis levels” (Keep Talking Greece, 2017). According to Eurostat data from 2017, 35.6% of the Greek population is at risk of poverty and social exclusion. In 2007, this number was at 20% (Eurostat, 2009). The so-called “structural adjustment reforms” imposed on Greece through the bailout programs produced an unprecedented economic, social, political and humani-tarian decline in Greece.Greece entered a prolonged economic crisis in late 2009, when the inter-national financial rating agencies downgraded the Greek government bonds. Accordingly, its sovereign debt was assessed as “unsustainable”. This meant that Greece had difficulty borrowing credit from financial markets at low inter-est rates. After revealing his predecessors' false statistics, the time’s “socialist” Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou Jr., requested financial assistance from the EU, which created the so-called support mechanism headed by what came to be known as the Troika, an institutional framework consisting of the European Commission (EC), the European Central Bank (ecb) and the imf. In return for a colossal loan provided by the Troika, Greece had to implement

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The “Greek Crisis” in the Media: Hegemony, Spectacle and Propaganda

2019 · CHAPTER · en

This chapter presents an account of the political role of the media. The discus-sion of media and politics begins with the notion of the public sphere and its critical conceptualisation as a field colonised by the strategic economic in-terests and ideological premises of capital and the upper classes (Dean, 2002, 2009, 2017; Negt & Kluge, 2016). In this regard, the concepts of hegemony and propaganda are important for making sense of the ways that the media work as strategic apparatuses and institutions to forge ahead the dominant interests through mass communication practices. While hegemony is achieved and maintained through the regular reproduction of dominant world-views and ways of thinking about various issues (such as what comes to pass as normal or “natural”) on a daily basis, propaganda can be understood as a central method to strategically advance particular positions in the public sphere at critical mo-ments, such as times of war or an economic crisis. As an important space of ex-perience, the public sphere offers the pretext where hegemonic interventions unfold through the media in globalised, late capitalist societies. Simultaneous-ly, the dimension of the spectacle is to be found in all aspects of mainstream media production and political communication today.

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A Cultural Failure: Reification, Orientalism, Nationalism

2019 · CHAPTER · en

In this chapter, I draw on the critical theories of race and racism, discussed in Chapter 1, that problematise the uses of the concept of culture today in the West. Culture is often deployed to explain issues like poverty and civic dis-empowerment as well as economic crisis, state bankruptcy and corruption, in a rather depoliticised way (Lentin & Titley, 2011: 61). Therefore, the uses of culture to explain systemic flaws only depoliticise social problems, diverting public attention from the structures of power and privilege that undeline such problems, while blaming those oppressed by the politico-economic system the most.

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Under a Middle-Class Gaze

2019 · CHAPTER · en

Departing from Bourdieu’s (2010) seminal text Distinction, scholars (Ben-nett, 2013; Eriksson, 2015) argue that mass media organise their representa-tional frames on social affairs under a middle-class gaze, which suggests to audiences the preferred ways of looking at things. The media’s middle-class positioning affirms core bourgeois values shared and aspired to by the middle-class. The middle-class forms the ideal social position, setting a “middle-class normative” (Skeggs & Wood, 2012: 52) that is reproduced by the media through the ways that representations are framed. In this context, the working class and the poor often lapse into the position of the “underclass” ( Jones, 2015), associ-ated with different forms of social and individual problems and pathologies, and charged with violence, ignorance and despair. Skeggs (1997) noted that the weight of upper-middle-class values, lifestyles and aspirations establish-es a general disidentification with the working class position.

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Exceptionalising the Crisis, Normalising Austerity

2019 · CHAPTER · en

Chapters 4 and 5 presented the cultural and moral construction of the Greek crisis in the European mainstream media. Both dimensions are interrelated and stem from authoritative political and economic institutions and estab-lishments. The technocratic expertise of neoliberal economists in particular, outlines the economic crisis in a seemingly depoliticised manner. Acts of de-politicisation though are in themselves highly political as they aim at advanc-ing particular political agendas (Dean, 2009b: 23). In our case, these agendas derive from the politics of the neoliberal right in the EU, associated with the overall neoliberal project of advancing and safeguarding capitalist globaliza-tion (Slobodian, 2018).The cultural and the moral construction of the crisis (alleged) perpetrators, is connected to the hegemonic politics of the crisis. The mainstream media’s sensualistic crisis representations intensify the specific politics.

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Conclusions: Context, Politics, Negativity

2019 · CHAPTER · en

The reintroduction of a critical vocabulary that was made redundant by postmodernism and the subsequent hegemony of neoliberalism as a post-historical project can demonstrate the systemic and structural aspects of the crisis and among them, the values and the social relations naturalising capital-ism. This way, critical theory can estrange and defamiliarise (Shklovsky, 2015: 163) what passes as common sense through the depiction of capitalist society’s deep flaws. Under this view, the capitalist market emerges as an oppressive system other than as a somewhat prerequisite of “civilisation”, “progress”, “free-dom” and “democracy”.

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Witnessing absences: social media as archives and public spheres

2017 · ARTICLE · en

he study inquires on the ways content-specific social media pages can function as alternative public spheres, by examining the photography-orientated Facebook and YouTube pages entitled ‘old photographs of Thessaloniki’. The study focuses on the online encountering of absences, notably events of socio-political importance with a traumatic impact, which were marginalized by historiography and erased from the city’s material form. In particular, it looks at the ways these absences are witnessed, remembered and negotiated online, through their formal and informal traces. Departing from Benjamin’s and Agamben’s theorizations of memory, media and witnessing, and Derrida’s work on specters, the study concludes that the pages form a highly informed digital archive in constant development that fosters narratives enhancing cultural toleration and understanding, while challenging official master frames. A class-orientated understanding of the city’s ‘ruinification’ and oblivion is, however, undermined, although it remains in a ‘spectral’ form.

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Liberal articulations of the ‘Enlightenment’ in the Greek public sphere

2017 · ARTICLE · en

In this article, I analyze ‘liberal’ constructions of the ‘Enlightenment’ idea, as it appears in the Greek public sphere. The study is based on the analysis of articles published in two popular news/lifestyle websites, 'AthensVoice' and 'Protagon', during the years of the ongoing 'Greek crisis'. Discourse theory, informed by critical discourse analysis, is deployed to analyze these discursive articulations. The analysis shows that Greece's economic/social/political problems are viewed as mere symptoms that underline Greece’s fundamental deficit, which is the country's ‘lack of 'Enlightenment’. The article concludes that such discourses are part of a biopolitical, disciplinary framework producing the object to be reformed by austerity: a ‘un-Enlightened’ ‘Greek character’, ‘guilty’ for ‘self-inflicting’ Greece’s crisis. This ‘reform of character’ envisioned by (neo)liberals in Greece and elsewhere, is supposed to emerge through the institutional advance of neoliberal reforms such as indefinite austerity and privatizations, conditions to foster the entrepreneurial, mobile and austere subject.

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Курсы (6)