Мельвиль Андрей Юрьевич

Политология: учебник

2005 · BOOK · ru

Проблемы территориальной реформы в России на примере взаимоотношений Тюменской области с Ханты-Мансийским и Ямало-Ненецким автономными округами

2004 · ARTICLE · ru

* Ирина Бусыгина (Irina Busygina) включена Минюстом в Реестр иностранных агентов.

Мир политической науки. Учебник. В 2 кн. Кн.1. Категории

2004 · BOOK · ru

* Ирина Бусыгина включена Минюстом в Реестр иностранных агентов.

Категории политической науки : учебник для вузов

2002 · BOOK · ru

Книга подготовлена авторским коллективом факультета Политологии МГИМО – Университета МИД России под руководством проф. А.Ю.Мельвиля в рамках комплексного научно-образовательного и просветительского проекта, нацеленного на развитие новых форм и содержания политологического образования в России на основе современных педагогических и научно-издательских методов. В своем содержании книга ориентирована на мировой опыт и традиции политической науки и политологического образования. Новаторский и оригинальный характер издания состоит прежде всего в многоуровневой структуре материала. Помимо основного текста учебник включает интерпретации, фактологические сведения, цитаты из классической и новейшей литературы, обширный банк научных биографий видных представителей социально-политической мысли, определения ключевых понятий. Учебник позволяет получить объемное и целостное представление об истории и современном состоянии политической науки, об общепринятых и альтернативных теориях и подходах. Учебник предназначен для широкого круга читателей: особенности подачи материала делают его полезным и для студента, и для преподавателя, и для политконсультанта, и для действующего политика.

Post-Communist Russia as a Challenge to Transition Theories

2000 · CHAPTER · en

.

Post-Communist Russia: Democratic Transitions and Transition Theories

2000 · CHAPTER · en

.

Russia in the 1990s: Democratization, postcommunism, or something else?

1999 · ARTICLE · en

I have argued that specific conditions, departing points, and paths for transition (including the Russian democratic transition) can be considered as part of the current global democratic wave. Because of its multidimensional character and its ongoing evolution, post-communism can be conceptualized in various theoretical models. Among other things, we can find in postcommunism some of the elements identified with democratic transitions of the third wave. Given the specific features of postcommunism, there are nevertheless theoretical and practical reasons for considering the present sociopolitical dynamics in Russia as part of the context of democratic transition (which seldom leads to consolidated democracies) and for using the methodological and theoretical tools offered by transition theories to analyze it. Examining some peculiarities of the transformation processes in postcommunist Russia allows us to outline their specific nature and draw some parallels with democratic transition in other countries. Exposition of what is common and what is specific as a result of a comparative analysis of different case studies (including the case of postcommunist Russia) may eventually contribute to development of a general integrated theory of postcommunism. I do not see any insuperable contradiction between the structural and procedural approaches to the analysis of democratic transitions. A methodological synthesis of the approaches that focus on structural and procedural factors may be possible as a result of different research approaches, including comparative analysis of the conditions, context, and processes of democratic transitions. I also believe that the methodological model of the analysis of democratic transitions using the funnel of causality approach suggested above may be helpful in the analysis of concrete case studies and present a step toward systematization and consolidation of knowledge necessary for the development of a theory. During the early stages of democratic transitions, endogenous (procedural) factors of democracy and democratization-such as the choice of strategies and tactics by major political actors-are of crucial importance. However this choice is in many ways conditioned by structural factors-cultural and political traditions, socioeconomic and external context, and so forth. These deep structural factors of democratization and democracy start to play a more important role at the later stages of democratic transition, especially at the stage of democratic consolidation. In the final analysis, these structural factors may explain why many countries that start the democratic transition may not reach its final stages.

Russia’s Open-Ended Transition: Toward an Integrated Research Model

1999 · CHAPTER · en

.

Post-communist Russia: Problems of Transition

1998 · ARTICLE · en

.

Mass and Elite Political Outlooks in Post-Soviet Russia: How Congruent?

1996 · ARTICLE · en

Political scientists have long sought to understand the representation of mass publics by their political leaders. Empirical research has primarily focused on patterns of representation in industrial democracies with established democratic traditions. Post-communist countries like Russia, by contrast, provide the opportunity to examine patterns of and attitudes toward representation in a society in which the electoral institutions and the attitudes are newly emerging. We employ survey data from coordinated samples of Russian elites and the mass public carried out in 1992 to address the following questions: Who are the elites in today's Russia? Are their views different from those of the public? In particular, where are the critical pressures for change in Russian politics and society coming from and who is resisting change-those at the top or the bottom of the political hierarchy? How do cleavages among different elite groups relate to the atti-tudinal cleavages among the general public? To what extent did the first competitive elections in Russia produce attitudinal correspondence between Russian citizens and their representatives in the legislature? We analyze elite and mass outlooks on key political and economic dimensions, first for the country as a whole, then within different districts. We show that Russian elites differ in social background from the mass public in the same manner as Western elites differ from the public. Russian elites also differ attitudinally from the Russian populace by being, on average, more reformist (politically and economically). The correspondence, or congruence, between Russian elite and mass views-overall and region by region-is only moderate but of roughly the same magnitude as that found in Western democracies.